胡建华：Focus Sensitivity and Exhaustivity in Quantification

内容提要：It has been observed that the English universal A-quantifiers always and only exhibit different properties in terms of sensitivity and exhaustivity in focus interpretation. While always allows for a non-exhaustive interpretation, only can only have an exhaustive interpretation when associated with focus. Under Beaver and Clark’s (2003) analysis, the difference between always and only is accounted for by the former one’s dependency on the context and the latter one’s lexical encoding of a dependency on focus. This paper shows that besides these two kinds of A-quantifiers, Chinese has another type of A-quantifiers that can be grouped into neither the always-type nor the only-type in distribution and interpretation. These A-quantifiers may be termed as the intermediate type of A-quantifiers when compared with those at the two opposite sides represented by zong(shi) and zhi respectively. The intermediate type of A-quantifiers, represented by dou, bears the universal quantificational force as do zong(shi) and zhi, the Chinese counterparts to the English always and only. For instance, in the following sentence, dou may occur either with or without being associated with a focus.